The opposition does not read the press. No, the right thing is to say: you can’t read it neither of them the press, because leagues and years ago it was found that the adversaries lost the ability to scan the horizon, decipher the signs in the sky, perceive the aromas and, not to mention, notice footprints or tremors, depending on the case, on the ground.
On October 7, EL PAÍS México published that Morena was betting on putting Claudia Sheinbaum as the protagonist in 2027. The information was clear: the regime had set the revocation appointment for a year, during the interval, to preserve the president’s fame.
A month later, the opposition says it is surprised by the attempt, as undemocratic as it is logical in Morena’s Huizacher style, which forced Sheinbaum into a run-off just when 17 governorships, the Chamber of Deputies and hundreds of other positions had to be elected.
It is one thing to criticize Morena for his opportunism, it is another to not point out that our opposition continually allows itself to be surprised. Seven years after the triumph of Obradorism, the defeated still fail in the formula to avoid appearing irremediably deceived.
Nobody can be deceived. It’s been known for a long time that Morena doesn’t play straight. Their forums for hearing opinions are montages; every offer to negotiate, a delaying tactic; The word dialogue translates into a monologue that doesn’t move even a comma. What they asked for when they were not governing is exactly what they skimped on in power.
The constant is so consistent, then, with the deliberate cacophony, that if each of the issues in which the opposition is destabilized, not to say outright destroyed, were not serious, it might be fun to keep track of its flagrant naiveties.
So much so that, in a vehement exhortation, the academic and former electoral advisor Mauricio Merino asked that the opposition get up from the table and dismiss the government party. In short, if the Morenista brand is closed-minded, why lend oneself to simulation. (The useful fools, The Universal 20/10/25)
That of Merino was before last week a Claudian deputy formalized in San Lázaro the new tarascada against elections without government interference. That congressman, Alfonso Ramírez Cuéllar, wants Claudia recalled in 2027.
In line with what was published by EL PAÍS, Morena says that why make voters’ heads spin with an additional process; Better to save by setting the plebiscite (which society did not want and does not ask for) on the date on which, in addition to the governorates of half the country, courts, councils and municipalities will be renewed.
You have to be a newborn to believe Morena; to buy it, it is because of the billions of pesos that the revocation would cost that they now intend to unify the dates to put a chief executive on the ballot for the first time in history.
You have to be a newborn to say you’re surprised; or one must be an adversary, as these, one after another, show a lack of practical and rhetorical resources that allow them to react quickly, articulately and successfully to each of Morena’s tricks.
The opposition had not finished crying about the aberrations of the 2026 budget when it was already modifying the legislative and political question by anticipating the revocation of the mandate, and far from reacting it asked for a pause, as did the leader of the PAN deputies Elías Lixa to go and reflect on what to do.
Introducing Claudia Sheinbaum into the ballot, as she herself intends, is undoubtedly the new abuse of a party that for years has been denouncing that those in power were preventing them from accessing the main popular offices with evil tricks.
Without embarrassment, those who have so much doubted the fairness of the races, those who not without elements have reproached members of the PAN like Vicente Fox for having abused positions of power to interfere in what was only up to the citizens to decide, today want the president in the campaign.
It is useless to insist on the fact that Morena is like this, whose leaders have abolished self-control in the face of rules and laws. The question is what should be the way of behaving of the oppositions, which are outdated and their role does not even equate to a testimonial one.
There are voices that point out that Sheinbaum’s acceptance on the ballot opens up an opportunity, that the regime overestimates the president’s popularity, that usury will shift the costs to Morena. The question, however, is whether this alleged risk of in office It is real with a regime dedicated to operating politically and a slow opposition.
Underestimating Morena in his lack of scruples when it comes to mixing party and government in a recall election could cost his opponents dearly. Or, better said, for the voters, because in this way the opposition retains its privileges and it is society that pays for the regime.
The opposition is running out of opportunities to build capacity to effectively respond to every trick the ruling party throws at it. The threat of electoral reform was already looming over him and now he risks being revoked. Did they soon surprise you again?
The question here is not whether or not Morena has the votes to approve what he wants. The question is whether the opposition will be able, with arguments and media resources, to induce society to reject as antidemocratic what the regime wants to sell as the exercise of a right.
And the question is also whether in this attempt the opponents will be able to demonstrate that they are not those beardless ones who, with one blow at a time, change the game and when they try to react they only serve to validate what Morena decided earlier.
